Bunkered

THE Donald has already put his name down to buy the land. There is excited talk of the Open coming there one day. Leading politicians have headed to his gaudy multi-storey Manhattan skyscraper to woo him. But this is not Scotland, it is Northern Ireland.

The excited chatter in the province last week was that Trump's millions are soon to head their way. After receiving more than 50 offers of land in the area, America's self-proclaimed top entrepreneur has now secured an option to buy an as yet unknown piece of virgin land in County Antrim, just up the coast and over the border from the renowned K Club, another patch of Ireland which has been transformed into a little part of America abroad.

Trump and the Rev Ian Paisley met in New York two weeks ago, with The Donald apparently declaring that the First Minister was "a legend". Paisley, for his part, was keen to emphasise how much he would like Trump's dollars in Ulster. Until recently, it was thought that Trump's plans for Northern Ireland would play second fiddle to his more advanced proposals for a course on the Menie Estate in rural Aberdeenshire. But last week's extraordinary events in Scotland have threatened to turn that logic on its head.

In Ulster, there is astonishment at the way matters have been handled in Scotland. After Aberdeenshire Council's Infrastructure Committee declared two weeks ago that they would oppose Trump's £1bn development, local North Antrim politician Rev Robert Coulter scratched his head. "This wasn't going to cost the taxpayer a penny. I can't believe they turned it down," he said.

That was before the word 'sleaze' entered the equation last week, in a series of disclosures that called into question the conduct of the SNP administration and senior civil servants. First, it emerged that Alex Salmond had met Trump's representatives in an Aberdeen hotel prior to the application being called in for adjudication by his ministers. Then it transpired that the Scottish Government's chief planning officer had also met Trump's men, no more than two hours before the decision.

To cap it all, Finance Secretary John Swinney was forced to admit that, a week before, he had been enjoying a function in America – at another of Trump's lavish hotels. At the end of a week of chaos, as we report today, the body representing Scotland's 3,000 planners has now taken the unprecedented step of writing to Swinney, warning him of the damage the events could inflict on the integrity of the planning system.

For the hungry dollar-seekers in Northern Ireland it is all good news. But back in Scotland, all everyone appears to be able to agree is that it is one big unsightly mess. So is Salmond to blame? Will that guddle now ensure that The Donald's millions are destined for the other side of the Irish Sea? And what damage could this do to Scotland's First Minister and his Government?

Salmond and Trump may not seem obvious bedfellows, but they do appear to share plenty in common. In one of his more famous quotes, Trump once declared: "I like thinking big. If you're going to be thinking anything, you might as well think big."

Last year, ahead of the Scottish elections, Salmond echoed: "Scotland is only small to those who think small. It's time to think big." In this specific case, the 'Big Thing' at hand is Trump's lavish golf course development on the sands of Menie Estate in Aberdeenshire, and found within Salmond's own Gordon constituency.

Prior to becoming First Minister, Salmond told a hustings meeting in Inverurie that he supported the plans to the hilt. Since the election, Salmond insisted he was now "cup-tied", and has declined to say a word about the matter, as required by the ministerial code. But it is fair to assume that – could he talk freely – Salmond would be as enthusiastic as his Northern Irish counterpart Paisley. The damaging questions he now faces are over whether that enthusiasm led him to bend the rules.

For the time being, there is no solid evidence at all of wrong-doing. But, as has been said all week, "a stench" lingers over the timing of the Scottish Government's response. For example, three members of a group called Sustainable Aberdeenshire, who met Salmond in October, say that the First Minister told them then that ministers would not be calling the application in. This was at the stage when most people still expected Aberdeenshire Council to back the scheme. Mickey Foote, one of those present, said: "We wanted it to be taken to an open public inquiry and that was when he said he could see no reason for ministers to call it in."

They left the meeting under the impression that Salmond would not act. Yet when the council astonished everyone by opposing the deal, ministers acted within days. Another opponent of the plan, David Milne, said: "Basically, Salmond expected it to get passed and when it didn't they had to do something."

Last night, a spokesman for Salmond denied that the First Minister had mentioned the question of calling the matter in at the meeting, insisting he was there solely as a constituency MSP. So the cycle of claim and counter-claim goes on.

It is hardly surprising that with all these grey areas opening up, the lawyers are being called in. Dave Morris, of the Ramblers Association, confirmed that his organisation – which has opposed the plans to build on dunes right next to the beach at the Menie Estate – was already taking advice. He said: "The Government is very exposed to a legal challenge. This could go to the Court of Session where we could seek a judicial review as was the case with the M74 (when campaigners opposed the new extension plans]. The difference here is that you have the entire environmental lobby all saying the same thing."

One legal expert, who has studied the case, added: "Because of the way they have acted, you can argue that they can't look at this case objectively. The timing of the decision to call the application in will be seen as a way of ensuring that the application is granted."

The campaigners, under the umbrella group Scottish Environment LINK, wrote to Swinney last Friday outlining their plans. They say that to avoid legal action, Swinney should now strip himself of his ultimate authority over the matter, and hand it to an independent public inquiry. Morris added: "There is a way out, which is to hold a public inquiry. What we would like to see is for John Swinney to make it clear that an inquiry reporter will examine what compromise solution can be found."

That compromise could include a commitment from Trump to leave the precious dunes next to the beach at the Menie Estate alone. The trouble is that to do so would rob his planned links course of much of its star quality.

Swinney faces a tough decision. He could abide by the campaigners' request and agree to hand over his powers. But, in so doing, he will know he risks pushing a decision on the development out, potentially for years, as the process gets stuck in the tangled web of a planning inquiry.

And the big risk there, for those who back the project, is that faced with such a lengthy and costly process, Trump will simply decide to head for the Belfast ferry. The signs coming from the Trump camp were not overly positive last night. Trump's man in Britain, George Sorial, had officially decided to spend some time on holiday and was unavailable for comment.

On Friday, he had opted not to take part in phone-in on BBC Scotland's Lesley Riddoch programme, leading Riddoch to claim he had "bottled it". Meanwhile, experienced members of Scotland's business community, who have spent many years wooing foreign investment into the country, said the Trump team would be stunned by the way the matter had now been turned into a political football.

One senior business figure said: "There will be a lot of head-scratching in America about this. This story has now appeared in the Washington Post, and people don't get round to reading about the intricacies of planning law. They'll just be thinking what sort of message does that send out? People won't want to invest as a result. We have had experience in the past where other countries have used press cuttings of negative stories to say that you don't want to go to Scotland. The bottom line is that this is a business deal for Donald Trump and he can go elsewhere. This is a highly competitive sphere."

So the future for the Menie Estate looks, at best, uncertain. The debate in Aberdeenshire over whether this is a good thing or not is now rife. The press in the north-east is certain: the course must go on. Local papers have been scathing about the way Lib Dem leader Nicol Stephen used the case last week to attack Salmond, accusing him of betraying the area's prosperity.

Opinion polls in the north-east have shown strong support for the development. But the opponents are adamant that they are better off without The Donald, arguing that the glamorous plans for a new golf course are simply a smokescreen to hide Trump's main plan of building 1,500 lucrative houses next to the course, which will actually be where he ends up making his money.

As for The Donald himself, he still insists he wants to go ahead, no doubt enjoying the sight of not one, but two parts of the UK who are vying for his attention. Supporters of the scheme, however, should worry about another of Trump's more famous quips. "Part of being a winner is knowing when enough is enough," he once said. "Sometimes you have to give up the fight and walk away."